By Prakash Singh
The Centre, over the years, has conveyed an impression to the Northeast that greater the violence and more intransigent the posturing, better the chances of New Delhi sitting up and taking note of an agitation.
No wonder, Manipur is generally seen to have had a raw deal vis-à-vis neighbouring Nagaland
Manipur, a wronged State
Of all the states in the Northeast, Manipur has generally had a raw deal. No wonder, the Meiteis feel alienated and the State has the largest number of separatist or secessionist outfits.
Maharaja Bodhchandra Singh signed the merger agreement on September 21, 1949, and the State became a part of the Indian Union on October 15, 1949. However, to begin with, Manipur was classified as a Part C State. It became a full-fledged State in 1972 only after a prolonged agitation. The Nagas, who had rebelled against the Government, were given statehood in 1963.
The Meiteis had also to agitate for the recognition of their language, which was included in the Eighth Schedule as late as 1992.
The Manipuris — a majority of whom are Vaishnavite Hindus — are also greatly agitated over the National Socialist Council of Nagalim (Issac-Muivah)’s demand for Greater Nagaland, which includes the hill areas of Manipur. In 2001, the Government of India, under pressure from Naga rebels, announced the extension of ceasefire to the Naga-inhabited areas of Assam, Arunachal Pradesh and Manipur. The Meiteis became very apprehensive and thought that the extension was a prelude to the dismemberment of the State. Thus began a fierce agitation in the course of which the State Assembly was burnt down. The police opened fire, killing 18 protesters.
The Centre realised its folly and announced that the ceasefire would be limited to the boundaries of Nagaland. However, the damage had already been done. The general impression in the Northeast is that those who take up arms and perpetrate violence can blackmail the Centre into getting their demands conceded, even if partially.
The recent events, when Manipur’s lifeline was choked, are to be seen in the above context. On April 12, the All Naga Students Association of Manipur (ANSAM) began an economic blockade on NH-39 (Dimapur-Imphal) and NH-53 (Silchar-Imphal) to protest against the State Government’s decision to hold the Autonomous District Council (ADC) elections in the tribal hill districts on the ground that the ADC Act “suppresses tribal rights”.
The United Naga Council (UNC) supported the blockade. Left with very little choice, the State Government declared ANSAM president David Choro and UNC president Samson Remei “wanted”.
The crisis was compounded when NSCN leader Thuingaleng Muivah decided to visit his ancestral village in Ukhrul district of Manipur, and the Centre asked the state governments of Nagaland and Manipur to provide him security. Manipur, however, decided to oppose the visit as it felt Muivah would exploit the occasion to inflame passions in favour of Greater Nagaland.
The Guwahati High Court, meanwhile, directed the Manipur Police to arrest leaders of the two tribal student bodies, which had imposed the economic blockade. Muivah, starting from Hebron, arrived at Viswema near the Nagaland-Manipur border. The Manipur Government had, meanwhile, deployed forces at Mao Gate on the inter-State border to prevent his entry. The NSCN at this stage jumped into the fray. The Nagas demonstrated at Mao Gate, protesting against the ban on Muivah’s visit to his village. The police lobbed teargas shells and opened fire, resulting in the death of two students.
On May 11-12, Union Home Secretary GK Pillai and interlocutor for Naga peace talks RS Pandey met Manipur Chief Minister Ibobi Singh and Muivah in Imphal and Kohima respectively. The deadlock, however, could not be resolved.
All this, while the people of Manipur were put to great suffering. The prices of essential commodities skyrocketed. Petrol was selling at Rs 170 a litre, while a cylinder of cooking gas cost Rs 1,800. Life-saving medicines were out of stock. Operations could not be performed in hospitals for want of drugs and in the absence of oxygen cylinders.
The saner sections became active. A delegation of All Manipur Christian Organisation visited Kohima on June 8 and held talks with Naga civil society leaders to lift the blockade. The Home Secretary threatened action if the impasse continued. On June 14, Prime Minister Manmohan Singh met a delegation of Naga Students Federation (NSF). Soon after, NSF leader Samuel said they had decided to “temporarily suspend the blockade”. On June 16, the Home Secretary had a meeting with Manipur Chief Secretary DS Poonia and Additional Chief Secretaries of Nagaland, Alemtemshi Jamir and Toshi Aier, whereat it was decided to send a convoy of trucks to Imphal under heavy security.
The ANSAM finally relented and announced its decision on June 18 to lift the blockade. The decision was actually taken at a joint meeting of the Naga Hoho, Naga Students’ Federation, United Naga Council, Naga Women’s Union of Manipur and Naga People’s Movement for Human Rights in Kohima.
Manipur’s agony was finally over, but not before 68 days of sufferings, which is no credit to the Central or State governments.
Muivah’s visit had political overtones. The NSCN fished in troubled waters and exacerbated the situation. The NSF and ANSAM displayed intransigence. The Government of Nagaland pretended to be helpless. The Government of Manipur could have shown some flexibility. Worse, the Government of India remained a spectator until the misery of Manipur reached a flashpoint.
The root causes of the unfortunate events need to be understood. The Centre has over the years given an impression that the more violence you indulge in, the excessive intransigence you show, the greater would be the possibility of your being heard and recognised in Delhi. The ANSAM and the NSF indulged in what was in plain and simple terms blackmail. It is not understood why the Prime Minister had to meet a delegation of the NSF. It would have been enough if they were allowed access to the Union Home Secretary.
It is also sad to see Muivah being treated like the head of a state. It is time the rebel Nagas — and the other insurgents groups of the Northeast — were told in unmistakable terms that while their genuine aspirations would be met and the entire region economically developed, there would be no re-drawing of state boundaries in the region and that there was no question of “sovereignty” of any ethnic group or area being recognised.
The Government of India interlocutor and the NSCN(IM) leaders have been going round the mulberry tree for the past 13 years. They should come to grips with the ground realities and resolve the issue once and for all.
**The writer is a former Director General of the Assam Police
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